The Owl Saloon
Halt ‘Denveright Plan’ Vote Until After City’s Upcoming Elections INC Implores
Meetings To Explain Plan’s Impact Haven’t Occurred; Lowry’s Christine O’Connor Named Person Of The Year
by Glen Richardson
Denver’s Inter-Neighborhood Cooperation or INC passed a resolution Feb. 8 to postpone bringing the city’s “Denveright Plan” to a City Council vote until after the upcoming city elections. Little more than a couple of weeks earlier on Jan. 23, the organization named Christine O’Connor INC’s Person of the Year.
The voluntary coalition of registered neighborhood organizations representing two-thirds of Denver households urged the delay because the next City Council shouldn’t be accountable for a plan voted in by a prior council. Furthermore they say that, “the process did not include all neighborhood voices.” The Plan is currently scheduled for a City Council vote on April 15.
O’Connor received the Virginia Oredson Memorial Award during the 33rd Annual Awards Dinner held at the Holiday Inn Denver-Cherry Creek. For over a decade, she has led Lowry United Neighborhoods and worked with the broader east Denver neighborhoods on environmental and development issues on the former Lowry Air Force base property. In presenting the award the organization described her as, “An amazing and courageous community advocate and friend to so many.”
Daunting Documents
INC declared at its February Delegate Meeting that the sheer volume of the “Denveright” plan documents has been daunting for most neighborhood organizations and interested citizens to respond to thoroughly and intelligently by City-set deadlines. The documents total more than 1,000 pages, with over 100 goals, nearly 300 policies and recommendations, and more than 450 strategies addressing development through 2040 as Denver’s population increases.
The resolution also alleges, “meetings with neighborhoods to explain impacts of the documents have not occurred throughout the city; further, the city’s official website listing information received through citizen and neighborhood comments is missing many individual comments that were formally submitted.”
Also, the group asserts, “Information identifying changes made to the plan documents for the second draft are divorced from the materials listing specific requests for changes and additions received from the public.” Finally, according to INC, plan documents continue to be incomplete and vague in terms of addressing impacts on the city’s budget and work program, especially with the more than 450 proposed strategies.
Fights For Citizens
Person of the Year O’Connor has worked tirelessly to support the needs and desires of some of Denver’s most burdened neighborhoods, such as Cole, Globeville and Elyria/ Swansea. She currently serves as INC’s representative to the Citizens Action Group to the I-70 Superfund Site.
She worked with neighbors across north Denver, and participated in litigation regarding the Platte to Park Hill Drainage Project and Denver’s taking of City Park Golf Course to support expansion of I-70.
More recently, O’Connor became one of the leaders in initiating a 2019 ballot measure called “Let Denver Vote.” This ballot measure, if approved, will allow Denver to pursue a future Winter Olympics’ bid only if spending is first approved by Denver voters. What Christine says she values most about INC is “the powerful link it provides among neighbors citywide and the opportunity to work on issues that go beyond one neighborhood.” Her hope for INC is that the “newer members will take the helm and pour their hearts and souls into bettering our City in the decades to come!”
City Wide Awards
Drew Dutcher of the Elyria-Swansea neighborhood was named Outstanding Delegate of the Year. The honor credits him “for his outstanding representation from his neighborhood and representation on behalf of INC to Citizen Advisory Boards connected to city endeavors.”
Public Safety honors were given to four groups for their, “legal win for a public health study related to environment health connected to the I-70 expansion.” They were the Chaffee Neighborhood, Elyria-Swansea Neighborhood, Colorado Latino Forum and the Colorado Sierra Club.
Ronnie Crawford from the Overland Park Neighborhood was presented with the Sustainability Award for his efforts to work with the city to sustain the environment connected to river ways, specifically the Platte River.
Sundial Star
Hilltop resident Denise Sanderson received a Neighborhood Star Award for her leadership of the Save the Sundial Committee and the significant fundraising efforts that were necessary to complete renovation of the Sundial & Plaza.
She was instrumental in getting the Sundial & Plaza put on Colorado’s “Most Endangered Places” list, giving the fundraising project more visibility and a sense of urgency. After years of raising awareness and funding to save this historic landmark, in early 2014, the Committee turned to The Park People, who adopted the project, taking the outreach and fundraising to another level.
It took nearly a decade, but the effort came to a celebratory close last year on Oct 3 when the Cranmer Park Sundial & Plaza officially reopened after completing nine months of restoration work. Now the Denver neighborhood park with a sweeping view of the Front Range has a solid foundation for generations to come.
More Valley Stars
Nine other residents were also given Neighborhood Star Awards for their work on specific projects that impacted the community. They are in alphabetical order:
Anne Callison, Winston Downs’s neighborhood, for her balanced leadership regarding information and education for a liquor-cabaret dance license at a cemetery.
Glenn Harper of the Sun Valley neighborhood for opening his restaurant to support a food bank and education to future chefs in his neighborhood.
John Robinson in the Harvey Park neighborhood for work on the Loretto Heights redesign and neighborhood festival fundraiser.
Greater Park Hill’s Blair Taylor for her activism in representing all neighborhood voices in projects that impact her area.
Diane Travis, Uptown on the Hill (Swallow Hill) for her education of residents and city on how to efficiently save historic flagstone sidewalks and for getting her suggestions adopted into city sidewalk planning.
Michelle Valeri from the Colfax Business Improvement District for her success with the Colfax Works program that employs the homeless.
Phyllis Ward of the University Park Community for her dedication to ensuring the neighborhood newsletter was distributed.
Brooke Webb in the Virginia Village-Ellis area for her efforts to improve the public image of the Ellis Elementary School and PTA.
Ann White of Montbello 20/20 for her leadership in health awareness and representing Montbello on the WorkNow program.
Experts Address Economic Growth: How Far Can Colorado Go?
(Before We Have To Fix Stuff?)
by Ruthy Wexler
The invitation to this year’s South Metro Denver Chamber’s “Economic Forecast Breakfast,” held at CU South, said attendees would learn “how Colorado businesses will fare under the new [Democratic] legislature.” But speakers at the January 18 event eschewed partisan concerns and concentrated on the big picture. J.J. Ament, CEO of the Metro Denver Economic Development Corporation, painted the positive half of that picture, describing past successes and a limitless future, while economist Henry Sobanet lobbed gentle warnings to the sold-out crowd: the world has changed, and Colorado must change with it.
Education And Transportation
Moderator, Lone Tree Mayor Jackie Millet, began the discussion — “How can we be successful, as a state, as a region? We can accomplish so much as a collective!” sounding a theme of collaboration that presenters would echo, in different ways.
Millet introduced Sobanet (“I always learn something when Henry talks!”), currently CFO for Colorado University, previously budget chief for Colorado governors Bill Owens and John Hickenlooper; Sobanet did, in fact, explain economic concepts in an unusually clear fashion.
“The world does not look like it did 10 years ago,” Sobanet began. “Ways of making a living have changed. The model of retiring after 30 years with one corporation, — certainly changed. Demographics have changed …”
Sobanet showed how the 65-and-older demographic will grow disproportionately by 2025, as will the 85-and-older set, previously not considered significant. Another rapidly growing group: those just entering the workplace.
“Fifteen to 20 years of globalization, a lot of automation and these demographic shifts … These are the forces underpinning economic issues.
“The aging population and the resultant impact on revenue and spending … are going to collide with an incoherent school finance system and insufficient money for infrastructure,” Sobanet outlined, then simplified: “The challenge going forward is education and transportation.”
Bad People Or Bad Systems?
The knotty heart of the matter, Sobanet offered, is three Colorado laws: the Gallagher Amendment, which in 1982 changed the way property tax was configured; TABOR (taxpayer bill of rights), which in 1992 began limiting the amount of revenue Colorado can retain and spend; and Amendment 23, which in 2000, changed how Colorado funds public schools.
As intently as everyone stared at Sobanet’s slides of pie charts and percentages, many found it difficult to grasp exactly how they connected. “I’m a financial person and even I didn’t quite understand,” said Louis Llanes, founder of Wealthnet Investments. But Llanes, like everyone, got Sobanet’s gist: these laws will prevent Colorado from getting the revenue it needs to thrive.
“Isn’t TABOR set up so if Colorado needs cash, they can ask the voters?” someone asked.
Yes, said Sobanet, who pointed out it wasn’t sensible to put these decisions on voters’ shoulders. “The laws, you’ve seen, are complicated. And for politicians to say they want taxes raised is political suicide.
“I’d like you to entertain a hypothesis,” Sobanet offered. “Is it bad people or bad systems?”
Colorado Loves Business!
J.J. Ament took the floor in typical upbeat fashion — “Let’s talk about economic growth!” — and recalled just how rapid Denver’s growth has been. “Back in the ’80s, you could drive a car from Union Station to the State Capitol Building and not worry about hitting a soul.
“Now, everyone wants to live here,” beamed Ament. “The Denver International Airport flies more places non-stop than any other airport! Denver is a brand!”
The potential for economic growth is endless if we do it right, Ament opined. “Denver is comprised of some 70 communities. But we have to take a regional approach. Businesses go elsewhere if they see we can’t get along.”
When Amazon put out requests for proposals in 2017, Ament gathered business leaders and submitted a package, including a film he showed that morning: ordinary and famous Coloradans happily claiming, “Colorado loves the outdoors!” “Colorado loves the Broncos!” “Colorado loves business!”
Amazon chose to build elsewhere but Ament, unfazed, regards the submission process with pride. “We spoke with a collaborative voice. Not with 70 different voices. One voice.” He shared other companies that recently relocated to Colorado, “like the VF Corporation, which brought 6,800 jobs.
“This is our goal,” Ament stressed. “The creation, recruitment and retention of good jobs.”
Takeaways
“My biggest takeaway was how we’re sweeping problems under the rug,” said Tom Skelley, of Evolution Communications Agency in Littleton, adding, “I really liked something J.J. said. ‘In between Utopia and the Apocalypse, we need legislators who make decisions based on facts, not ideology.’”
“I am one politician,” said Millet, “who advocated for sales tax to pay for transportation.”
“Colorado’s one of the top five states,” said an attorney on his way out the door. “But we got a C+ rating for infrastructure.”
“Now that you know a little bit more about how the systems work,” Sobanet said, “tell your public officials you would back them to change the system …
“The whole purpose of coming to an event like this is not just to make your business better. It’s making it all better.”
Not Here
Attendees began walking to their cars. Under the big Colorado sky, statues of bears and wolves dotted the snowy, quiet campus. “I’ve heard Henry has been pushing to raise taxes for years,” said a realtor who owns her own agency. “But it’s not gonna fly. Not here. There’s got to be another way.”
Past Mistakes, Polarized Philosophies: The Denver Teacher Strike Not Just About Higher Pay
by Ruthy Wexler
The Denver teacher strike made national headlines as the latest district to join the Red4Ed movement on February 11. The strike ended three days later when the Denver Classroom Teachers Association (DCTA) and officials representing the Denver public school system (DPS) signed a tentative agreement. Denver wasn’t the longest strike — Los Angeles held out for five days, West Virginia for nine — but it stood out in another way. “You are a little bit unique here in Denver,” said National Education Association President Lily Eskelsen Garcia, alluding to the controversial pay system known as ProComp. Why ProComp, originally liked by teachers, now caused teachers such distress — why the once-popular pay-for-performance system caused Denver teachers to upend the lives of 72,000 students, put their own livelihoods at risk and enter the first strike in 25 years — is a layered story that goes back 15 years.
Disrespected
Denver educators were also protesting the same issues that caused red-shirted educators to stand up in Oklahoma and Arizona: excessive emphasis on standardized testing, smaller class size, and pay they considered a living wage. At demonstrations, many teachers carried this sign: “When we can’t afford to strike, that’s when we have to strike.”
Newly appointed DPS Superintendent Susana Cordova let her feelings be known: the strike could be avoided if “we sat down and engaged in a discussion that found our common values and beliefs.” But the 93% of DCTA educators who voted on January 22 to strike disagreed. They believed that each succeeding proposal the district offered showed they weren’t really hearing teachers’ demands, or feelings.
And the way DPS prepared for the strike — hiring more substitute teachers, arranging to pay subs twice their usual rate, spending $137,000 on lesson plans for those subs — revealed teachers’ main concern, that DPS does not regard classroom teachers as valuable professionals. That concern was amplified when a week before the strike, a leaked document, posted online, showed how top heavy the DPS payroll was with administrative positions and how many administrators received bonuses on top of six-figure salaries.
DPS hoped Colorado’s new governor, Jared Polis, would accede to their request and intervene. But on February 7, Polis announced the two sides should work it out themselves, seeing as how their differences were “minor, small … limited.”
Negotiations for those “minor” differences could be seen online. Residents following the bargaining talks on Saturday, February 9 and Sunday, February 10, heard hours of haggling about what a PDU (Professional Development Unit) would be worth — but the talks always circled back to ProComp.
What Exactly Is ProComp?
ProComp — Professional Compensation — is a system that came into being in November 2005, when voters approved a $25 million mill levy override to provide incentives to teachers who worked in “hard to serve” schools. DCTA and DPS jointly designed the system, which was implemented in January 2006, with a stipulation that both parties could revisit the contract in 2007.
Late in 2007, DPS did want to make changes; reluctantly, teachers came to the bargaining table. But after months of fruitless discussions, then DPS Superintendent Michael Bennet issued an ultimatum: teachers should accept the district proposal — higher bonuses and lower base pay — or DPS would no longer honor the master agreement. The ProComp contract was revised early in 2008.
When the ProComp agreement expired in 2013, DPS asked teachers to put off negotiating a new one; they were about to conduct studies on ProComp’s efficacy. Between 2013 and 2017, DPS made changes to ProComp that teachers did not like: “Hard to serve” schools shifting categories; teacher evaluations based on students’ standardized scores; how paychecks had become impenetrably confusing and distressingly unpredictable. “I never know how much money I’ll have for the month,” said a high school English teacher.
DCTA President Henry Roman kept saying that the short-term bonuses were “shortchanging our students. … Teachers deserve a professional career salary.”
What Lies Underneath
The shape ProComp took reflected the reform educational measures DPS Superintendent Tom Boasberg (2008-2018) installed. But ProComp’s changing parameters mostly stemmed from something that happened 15 years before, when Michael Bennet was DPS Superintendent and Boasberg his Chief Operating Officer.
Both men came from the business world and were considered to be financial wizards. Together, they developed a plan to purportedly save DPS millions. They would borrow $750 million for DPS’s outstanding pension debt. Three hundred million would go to pay back already existing pension debt; $400 million would go to fully fund the DPS retirement fund and $50 million would pay banker and lawyer fees.
And although there were indications something was happening in the world financial markets at that time, Bennet and Boasberg went ahead with their plan, which ultimately included institutions such as Goldman Sachs, JPMorgan, Citibank, Wells Fargo and Bank of America, in April 2008. DPS hoped this plan would allow their retirement fund to join the statewide retirement fund, which would in turn allow DPS employees to easily move in and out of the system, which would reduce DPS’s retirement debt — which would provide more money for classrooms. Win/win, right?
Pensions And ProComp
By 2018, that $750 million loan had doubled. DPS now owed $1.8 billion.
Boasberg and Bennet were able to convince the Colorado legislature that DPS should get the equivalent of “pre-payment” credit to deduct the ProComp’s fees and interest from what would have been their normal pension contributions,” explains Jeannie Kaplan, BOE member at that time and unofficial DPS historian. “Because of these actions DPS employees saw their pension fund drop from fully funded on January 1, 2010, to a little under 80% funded in June 30, 2018.”
How the above connects to 2019 teacher strike: base salaries — which ProComp was originally designed to boost — are pensionable. In 2008, the ProComp “bonus” went from a base building system to bonus-based — and since these bonuses do not contribute to a teacher’s pensionable income, this diminishes the amount a teacher has in retirement, and makes smaller demands on a dwindling pension fund.
By 2019, many educators were fed up with ProComp. As the district offered proposals that didn’t address their demands, many wondered who was making decisions for DPS. “Cordova is not the full boss but she definitely has a say,” said one teacher, while educational activists cited DPS Chief Financial Officer Mark Ferrendino and BOE President Anne Rowe, long affiliated with reform groups such as A+ Colorado — and they were heard to say during a closed-door session, “Do not give in to the teachers — as influential.”
Agreement
In the end, DPS did “give in to the teachers.”
“This [February 14] agreement is a win, pure and simple,” said DCTA President Roman. To get that win, Rob Gould, chief union negotiator, said, “I had to use the last tool in my toolbelt.” The agreement provides a more traditional pay system, significant pay raises, a transparent 20-step salary schedule including a 7 to 11 percent increase in base pay — and still keeps incentives for teachers at high poverty schools. Part of the money for teacher raises, said CFO Ferrandino, will come from cutting administrative costs, including 150 central office positions.
For well over a year, DCTA had been trying to negotiate the above points. “For 15 months, the district chose to ignore us,” said Denver teacher Rachel Sandoval. “Can you hear us now?”
Denver Heroin Sites Bill Pulled
Rep. Garnett Blames Albus Brooks And Denver For Stunning Defeat
by Glen Richardson
In a stunning reversal of fortune, the sponsors of the so-called Safe Injection Sites (“SIS”) bill was dropped by its sponsors — House Majority Leader Alec Garnett and State Senator Brittany Pettersen. The proposed but never introduced bill would have, in effect, made heroin sales and use legal at and around designated sites, including 231 East Colfax by the State Capitol. At the SIS centers would be medical personnel to administer naloxone or other drugs which would revive a heroin user from overdoses, including where fentanyl is added to the heroin.
The SIS centers would also allow injection of methamphetamines and other drugs, including what is known as a “speed ball” where methamphetamines and heroin are mixed together. The bill was promoted as being “compassionate” to heroin users and limiting the harm incurred by users. Critics said the bill was little more than a backdoor method to legalize heroin and meth sales and use which critics say has been a long-sought goal of Mexican drug cartels who supply most of the heroin/ meth to Denver and the state.
Garnett Attacks Denver
State House Majority Leader Alec Garnett pointed the finger at Denver and City Councilman Albus Brooks for the loss. “I think Denver kind of wanted to be the first city in the country,” Garnett stated, “but I think the eagerness drew a lot of negative attention from the public, from the U.S. attorney and the feds.”
Councilman Brooks was the lead person on the Denver push. He brought Harm Reduction Action Center head Lisa Raville before the City Council. He obtained City Council approval by a 12 to 1 vote with only Kevin Flynn voting against the proposal. However, the approval of one or more SIS centers in Denver was made subject to approval of the State Legislature.
Brooks Responds
Brooks, in turn, blamed 710 KNUS radio host (and Chronicle columnist) Peter Boyles who, along with fellow radio host Stephan Tubbs, went to Vancouver, Canada, to see how SIS was working in that city which had approved them in 2003. The two broadcast live from Vancouver and posted pictures and videos of what they found along East Hastings Street which once had been a historic portion of Vancouver analogous to Larimer Square.
Radio Hosts In Vancouver
The descriptions and photographs painted a horrific picture of masses of heroin and meth users all along Hastings and adjoining streets. The Central American drug soldiers, they reported, controlled the streets and openly sold their wares to one and all. The SIS center was not cheerful and clean but a place of misery and pain, they reported. Many users did not bother to go into the SIS center itself, but simply shot up in the alleys and along the sidewalks. The addicts came to East Hastings Street they indicated not for the SIS center but because heroin and other drugs could be bought and consumed without fear of interruption or arrest.
Tubbs described one addict on the floor of the SIS center while his girlfriend jammed needles in his neck attempting to find a vein as the vein system in other parts of his body had apparently failed to be available.
The personnel at the SIS center told the two that they did not try to get heroin and other users into rehab as it would cause them to feel stigmatized and less likely to frequent the SIS center.
Brooks indicated that the live broadcasts had caused a groundswell of opposition to the SIS bill at the State Capitol. Brooks tweeted out: “Radio Hosts don’t have evidence. Last time I checked that’s not the truth.” Brooks claimed that he had been to Vancouver and saw nothing of the sort when he visited. It is not clear whether he was claiming the pictures and videos were somehow doctored or that he had been given a phony “Potemkin Village” tour of East Hastings and Vancouver.
Checks of Brooks’ expense records, according to former Speaker of the House Frank McNulty, show no expenses whatsoever concerning any trip to Vancouver. That fact could indicate he never, in fact, went to Vancouver, or his plane, hotel and other expenses were paid by third parties which could be illegal.
Pettersen’s Viewpoint
Interestingly co-sponsor State Senator Brittany Pettersen refused to appear with Garnett at his news conference and instead held her own conference. Insiders indicate that there is, in fact, a growing rift between Pettersen and Garnett. They indicate that Garnett, by blaming Denver and Brooks, was indirectly criticizing Pettersen’s husband, Ian Silverii, the executive director of ProgressNow Colorado, who had helped behind the scenes with the Denver rollout of the SIS legislation.
Supporters of Silverii think Garnett’s criticism of Denver and by implication Silverii and Brooks is badly misplaced. They point out that Silverii had obtained highly favorable coverage for SIS in The Denver Post, Westword, 5280 magazine, 630 KHOW radio and many other media outlets. Many others credit him with turning Channel 9 news anchor Kyle Clark into a very strong supporter of SIS centers and its failure is seen by many as a black mark on Clark’s record and reputation.
Pettersen in her news conference did not put the blame on Denver and by implication Brooks and Silverii but rather on Patrick Neville, the Republican Minority Leader of the House.
“This got caught up in the fact that Democrats hold every chamber, and there are desperate attempts to try to regain power,” Pettersen said. “This has been chosen as a political top target.”
She went on to note, “I’m unwilling to give them a political platform.”
Pettersen acknowledged that she needed no Republican votes and even had a Republican sponsor for her bill, Kevin Priola. She had, however, lost her own Democratic caucus.
The Fight Continues
The supporters of SIS centers are not going to simply disappear. An enormous amount of money was expended to promote the SIS legislation in Denver and at the Capitol and the financial backers are apparently not pleased. They are reportedly putting an enormous amount of pressure on Albus Brooks, Ian Silverii and Lisa Raville to figure out some way to legalize, directly or indirectly, heroin/meth sales in Denver by this summer.
Raville has told the press “It’s not May 4th yet. We certainly aren’t giving up the fight. We continue to look forward. We know this is the gold-standard evidence-based intervention that we want to push forward with.” May 4th is the last day of the Colorado legislative session and bills such as the “hospital provider fee” bill have been introduced and passed even at the very end of the legislative calendar.
Brooks in turn has tweeted out, “Denver will find a way to address this Public Health Crisis with or without the State.”
Opponents including Patrick Neville have indicated that they “will be there” to battle heroin legalization wherever the fight may be.
